In Ghana, corruption investigations follow a predictable cycle. A new government takes office, high-profile figures from the previous administration are accused of financial mismanagement, and the headlines are filled with dramatic revelations of fraud, ghost names, and procurement scandals. The public watches, a few arrests are made, political rhetoric is thrown around—but then what?
As President John Dramani Mahama orders probes into ghost names at the National Service Authority (NSA), procurement breaches at the National Petroleum Authority (NPA), and financial mismanagement under former Finance Minister Ken Ofori-Atta, the real question is not who is being investigated but why Ghana’s governance system keeps enabling corruption in the first place.
A System Designed to Fail? The Institutional Loopholes That Keep Corruption Alive
At the center of Ghana’s corruption crisis is a broken governance structure that allows public officials to manipulate financial records, abuse procurement systems, and evade accountability. The recent NSA ghost names scandal is not a new phenomenon—it is just another version of the payroll fraud that has plagued Ghana’s public sector for decades.
Over 81,885 ghost names were discovered on the NSA payroll, leading to a sudden drop in government expenditure after a headcount. But if such a large-scale fraud was happening under government supervision, how did it go unnoticed until now? The answer is simple: Ghana lacks a digitized, transparent payroll system that makes it impossible for such fraud to thrive. Instead, public sector employment remains highly politicized, with government agencies often controlled by political loyalists who benefit from keeping such schemes alive.
For more insights on Ghana’s payroll fraud and governance failures, read:
The Office of the Special Prosecutor’s (OSP) struggles to prosecute high-profile cases like Ken Ofori-Atta’s also point to a larger issue: political interference in law enforcement. While Ofori-Atta is wanted for alleged procurement breaches linked to the National Cathedral and Strategic Mobilization Limited (SML), he has reportedly evaded questioning by staying outside the country. If a former finance minister can simply refuse to appear before investigators, what does that say about the strength of Ghana’s anti-corruption laws?
For more insights on the Strategic Mobilization Limited (SML) controversy, read: How SML confused Ghanaian professors – THE SCARAB
It is time to stop viewing corruption as the fault of individual politicians and start seeing it as a governance failure that needs systemic solutions.
According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), Ghana’s corruption perception has fluctuated over the years between 2012 to 2024, reflecting shifts in governance, anti-corruption efforts, and public sector integrity. The CPI scores range from 0 (highly corrupt) to 100 (very clean), with higher scores indicating lower levels of perceived corruption.
In 2012, Ghana recorded a CPI score of 45, showing moderate levels of corruption. This improved slightly in 2013 to 46, followed by a further increase to 48 in 2014, marking the highest recorded score in the period under review. However, in 2015, the score declined slightly to 47, signaling the beginning of a downward trend.
From 2016, Ghana’s CPI score dropped to 43, a notable decline from the previous years. In 2017, the score further decreased to 40, representing one of the lowest points in the country’s corruption perception rating. The trend remained relatively unchanged in 2018 and 2019, with Ghana scoring 41 in both years.
Between 2020 and 2023, Ghana maintained a consistent CPI score of 43, indicating stagnation in its anti-corruption efforts despite various initiatives. However, in 2024, the score declined to 42, suggesting a slight increase in corruption perception. Ghana was ranked 80th out of 180 countries, reinforcing concerns about the effectiveness of its anti-corruption policies.
The data from Transparency International highlights the persistent challenges Ghana faces in tackling corruption, despite periodic improvements in certain years.
The Economic Cost of Corruption: Who Really Pays the Price?
Corruption in Ghana is often framed as a political scandal, but in reality, it is an economic disaster. Every Cedi lost to payroll fraud, procurement fraud, and government mismanagement is money that could have been used to improve schools, build roads, and provide better healthcare.
The NSA payroll fraud alone meant that for years, millions of Cedis were spent paying salaries to non-existent employees, while real National Service personnel struggled to receive their allowances. Similarly, corruption within the National Petroleum Authority (NPA) could lead to inflated fuel prices, which directly affects the cost of transportation, food, and everyday essentials for ordinary Ghanaians.
When government funds are stolen, the gap must be filled somehow—often through increased taxation, higher public debt, or cuts to essential services. Ghana’s rising cost of living is not just due to inflation and external economic shocks; it is partly fueled by corruption that diverts national resources into private pockets.
A History of Political Revenge or Real Accountability?
One of the biggest concerns with Ghana’s anti-corruption efforts is that they often target political opponents rather than the entire system. The current wave of investigations is directed at officials from the previous administration, but will corruption within the current government also be investigated?
History has shown that corruption cases in Ghana rarely lead to actual convictions. In 2018, former COCOBOD CEO Stephen Opuni was charged with causing financial loss to the state, yet after years of legal battles, his trial remains unresolved. Similarly, the Menzgold scandal, which saw thousands of Ghanaians lose their savings, is yet to be properly prosecuted.
If corruption cases are only pursued when there is a political motive behind them, then Ghana is simply caught in a cycle of selective justice. The real test of Mahama‘s anti-corruption campaign will not be whether former officials are investigated—but whether his own appointees will be held to the same standard.
Lessons from Other Countries: What Can Ghana Do Differently?
Ghana is not the first country to struggle with corruption, but some nations have successfully reduced it by implementing strong governance reforms.
Rwanda introduced a fully digitalized public financial management system, making it almost impossible to manipulate government payrolls. Ghana’s NSA scandal could have been avoided with a similar approach.
Singapore established a truly independent anti-corruption body that does not report to politicians, ensuring that corruption cases are prosecuted fairly, regardless of political affiliation.
Botswana strengthened public procurement rules by ensuring that all government contracts are openly published for public scrutiny, reducing the risk of inflated deals.
Ghana does not need more investigations and political speeches—it needs permanent reforms that make corruption impossible.
Moving Beyond Investigations: What Must Change?
If Ghana is serious about tackling corruption, it must go beyond naming and shaming and focus on actual institutional reform. The government must:
Implement full payroll digitization across all government agencies to prevent ghost names and fraudulent salary payments.
Ensure the OSP and anti-corruption institutions are independent, free from political interference, and well-resourced.
Introduce a transparent public procurement platform where all government contracts can be openly accessed and tracked by the public.
Pass strong whistle blower protection laws to encourage insiders to expose corruption without fear of retaliation.
Hold current government officials accountable—not just those from past administrations.
Ghana does not need another cycle of scandal, investigation, and inaction. If these cases end up like the many before them—with no convictions and no reforms—then the fight against corruption will remain nothing but a political show.
The real question is: Will 2025 be the year Ghana finally breaks free from this cycle, or will we still be having the same conversation five years from now?
